Burbuja.info - Foro de economía > > > Aguirre promete más de 150.000 viviendas protegidas para los próximos años
Respuesta
 
Herramientas Desplegado
  #1  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 21:19
El_Presi El_Presi está desconectado
El Padrino II Revolution
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 30-junio-2006
Ubicación: Ecatepunk
Mensajes: 28.338
Gracias: 3.663
16.834 Agradecimientos de 5.591 mensajes
a ver si es verdad, al final tendrán que montar inmobiliarias de VPO

http://www.invertia.com.mx/noticias/..._FC3122&idtel=

Aguirre asegura 100.000 empleos en sectores inmobiliario y de construcción

Madrid, 9 abr (EFECOM).- La presidenta de la Comunidad de Madrid, Esperanza Aguirre, ha afirmado hoy que el Gobierno regional "favorecerá" el empleo de más de 100.000 trabajadores de los sectores inmobiliario y de la construcción en los próximos cuatro años, al asegurar cerca de 70.000 puestos y crear otros 30.000 más.

Aguirre ha dicho hoy, durante la inauguración del Salón Inmobiliario Internacional de Madrid (Sima) en Ifema, que para "mantener el nivel de productividad" de estos sectores es necesario que las empresas privadas "aúnen esfuerzos" con las distintas administraciones públicas para la creación de más viviendas destinadas a los jóvenes, "sobre todo protegidas", ha indicado.

Aguirre ha asegurado durante su discurso inaugural que confía "en la capacidad de respuesta de los empresarios" para afrontar la crisis del sector inmobiliario.

Según ha explicado, el Gobierno de Madrid seguirá impulsando proyectos para que en los próximos años se creen más de 150.000 viviendas protegidas en la Comunidad, de las cuáles unas 30.000 se empezarán a construir este año, lo que supondrá un 27 por ciento más de unidades que el año pasado.

La presidenta regional ha comentado que "en las próximas semanas" se presentarán los concursos para construir las primeras 3.500 viviendas en régimen de alquiler que forman parte del Plan 45.000, destinado a la vivienda en la región.

Aguirre también ha destacado que, de enero a septiembre del año pasado, en toda España se iniciaron proyectos para crear unas 56.000 viviendas protegidas de los cuales 15.700 se empezaron en la Comunidad de Madrid, lo que supone el 28 por ciento de la oferta total nacional.

Ha indicado que la media en el número de unidades protegidas en España disminuyó un 6,7 por ciento el año pasado, mientras que en Madrid aumentaron en un 5,4 por ciento debido al "Plan de Vivienda Joven" para Madrid, cuya financiación, según ha señalado la responsable del Ejecutivo regional, "no recibió ni un sólo euro del Ministerio de Vivienda".

Además, Aguirre ha adelantado que el Gobierno regional presentará un "nuevo Plan de Vivienda 2008-2012", con el que se "prevén nuevas fórmulas para flexibilizar" la vivienda protegida y "reactivar" la actividad el sector inmobiliario.EFECOM cjr/fv/prb


Responder Citando
  #2  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 21:22
tonuel tonuel está desconectado
Excelentísimo, ilustrísimo, magnífico y grandísimo señor de élite de los grandísimos gurús burbujistas
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 24-febrero-2008
Mensajes: 15.888
Gracias: 5.601
5.233 Agradecimientos de 2.523 mensajes
Ahí estamos Espeeee... más viviendaaaassss... jejeje


Saludos


Responder Citando
  #3  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 21:32
pollo pollo está desconectado
Excelentísimo, ilustrísimo, magnífico y grandísimo señor de élite de los gurús burbujistas
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 11-octubre-2006
Ubicación: El corral
Mensajes: 10.618
Gracias: 24.969
13.200 Agradecimientos de 3.998 mensajes
¡Esta tía es tonta! Yo pensaba que era una zorra inteligente, pero me da que es imbécil, como todos los demás.

Es justo lo que hacía falta para "reflotar" el sector: más vivienda aun, a precios que nadie se podrá permitir.


Responder Citando
  #4  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 21:33
Lupo Lupo está desconectado
Agarrao a las kalandrakas
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 28-junio-2007
Mensajes: 1.685
Gracias: 4.789
542 Agradecimientos de 282 mensajes
Pero estos políticos nuestros que esperan, que en el 2010 seamos en España 60 millones de habitantes?????
El BBVA, ya hara 7 u 8 meses, saco un informe que se comentó aquí. Un estudio profundo de la vivienda nueva y de la gente de avanzada edad, que en España hay mucha y que por defunción, dejaban muchísimas viviendas vacias, pues bien, creo que decía que a finales del 2010 nos juntabamos con un parque de vivienda vacia de casi 5 millones.
Como los políticos sigan así, y queriendo que la construción siga siendo motor económico, en tres años más la duplican.


Responder Citando
  #5  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 21:36
Albertini Albertini está desconectado
Excelentísimo, ilustrísimo y grandísimo miembro de élite de los gurús burbujistas
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 12-agosto-2006
Mensajes: 7.839
Gracias: 4.180
1.799 Agradecimientos de 823 mensajes
Venga, a 2.000 eurazos el metro cuadrado.


Responder Citando
  #6  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 22:09
Grijandel Grijandel está desconectado
Miembro del BCE
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 03-marzo-2007
Ubicación: Barbate (Chikitistán)
Mensajes: 510
Gracias: 6
79 Agradecimientos de 31 mensajes
Y luego se las da de liberal...


Responder Citando
  #7  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 22:12
pedrot pedrot está desconectado
Grandísimo Gurú burbujista
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 17-octubre-2007
Mensajes: 3.194
Gracias: 33
476 Agradecimientos de 291 mensajes
Sí, igual que las 79000 que prometio hace años


construidas finalmente de su mano 1500


Responder Citando
  #8  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 22:20
ronald29780 ronald29780 está desconectado
Mercutio
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 11-septiembre-2007
Mensajes: 34.073
Gracias: 20.262
28.624 Agradecimientos de 9.365 mensajes
Iniciado por Grijandel Ver Mensaje
Y luego se las da de liberal...

liberal.

(Del lat. liberālis).


1. adj. Generoso, que obra con liberalidad.

2. adj. Dicho de una cosa: Que se hace con liberalidad.

3. adj. expedito (‖ pronto para ejecutar algo).

4. adj. Dicho de un arte o de una profesión: Que ante todo requiere el ejercicio del intelecto.

5. adj. Inclinado a la libertad, comprensivo.

6. adj. Partidario de la libertad individual y social en lo político y de la iniciativa privada en lo económico. U. t. c. s.

7. adj. Que pertenece a un partido político de este nombre. U. t. c. s.

8. adj. Se decía antiguamente de cada una de las disciplinas que componían el trivio y el cuadrivio.



Y


This article is about Neoconservatism in the United States, for neoconservatism in other regions, see Neoconservatism (disambiguation).
The Conservatism series,
part of the Politics series
Schools
Cultural conservatism
Liberal conservatism
Social conservatism
National conservatism
Neoconservatism
Paleoconservatism
Libertarian conservatism
Ideas
Fiscal frugality
Private property
Rule of law
Social order
Traditional society
Organizations
Conservative parties
Int'l Democrat Union
European Democrats
National Variants
Australia
Canada
Colombia
Germany
United States
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

This box: • • [ edit]
Neoconservatism is the political philosophy that emerged in the United States from the rejection of liberalism and the New Left counter-culture of the 1960s. It was formulated in the 1950s, achieved its first victory in Barry Goldwater's nomination as the Republican presidential candidate in 1964,[1][2], and coalesced in the 1970s.

It influenced the Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and the George W. Bush presidential administrations, representing the re-alignment in American politics, and the defection of "an important and highly articulate group of liberals to the other side."[3] One accomplishment was "to make criticism from the Right acceptable in the intellectual, artistic, and journalistic circles where conservatives had long been regarded with suspicion."[3]

As a term, neoconservative first was used derisively by democratic socialist Michael Harrington to identify a group of people (who thought they were liberals) as newly simulated conservative ex-liberals. The term stuck because neoconservatives were confused with true conservative.[4]

The idea that Liberalism "no longer knew what it was talking about" is Neoconservatism's central theme.[5] By the 1980s, being considered a conservative was no longer a cultural insult.[4]

The etymology of this conservatism is based on the work and thought of Irving Kristol, co-founder of Encounter magazine, and of its editor (1953–58),[6] Norman Podhoretz,[7] and others who described themselves as "neoconservatives" during the Cold War.

Prominent neoconservatives are associated with periodicals such as Commentary and The Weekly Standard, and with foreign policy initiatives of think tanks such as the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), and the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA).

Neoconservative journalists, policy analysts, and politicians, are often dubbed "neocons" by supporters and critics alike; however, in general, the movement's critics use the term more often than their supporters.[8][9] History and originsGreat Depression and World War II
"New" conservatives initially approached this view from the political left, especially in response to key developments in modern American history.

The forerunners of neoconservatism were often liberals or socialists who strongly supported World War II, and who were influenced by the Depression-era ideas of former New Dealers, trade unionists, and Trotskyists, particularly those who followed the political ideas of Max Shachtman. A number of future neoconservatives, such as Jeane Kirkpatrick, were Shachtmanites in their youth; some were later involved with Social Democrats USA. In this way neoconservatives claim to be compassionate to the people they govern by serving them and looking out for their best interests.

Some of the mid-20th Century New York Intellectuals were forebears of neoconservatism. The most notable was literary critic Lionel Trilling, who wrote, "In the United States at this time liberalism is not only the dominant but even the sole intellectual tradition." It was this liberal "vital center," a term coined by the historian and liberal theorist Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., that the neoconservatives would see as threatened by New Left extremism. But the majority of "vital center" liberals remained affiliated with the Democratic Party, retained left-of-center viewpoints, and opposed Republican politicians such as Richard Nixon who first attracted neoconservative support.

Initially, the neoconservatives were less concerned with foreign policy than with domestic policy. Irving Kristol's journal, The Public Interest, focused on ways that government planning in the liberal state had produced unintended and harmful consequences. Norman Podhoretz's magazine Commentary, formerly a journal of the liberal left, had more of a cultural focus, criticizing excesses of the movements for black equality and women's rights and the academic left. Throughout the 1950s and early 1960s the early neoconservatives had been socialists or liberals strongly supportive of the American Civil Rights Movement, integration, and Martin Luther King.[9][7]

Opposition to Détente with the Soviet Union and the views of the anti-Soviet and anti-capitalist New Left, which emerged in response to the Soviet Union's break with Stalinism in the 1950s, was one factor that would cause the Neoconservatives to split with the "liberal consensus" of the early postwar years.
Irving KristolDrift away from New Left and Great Society
While initially the views of the New Left became very popular among the children of hard-line Communists, often Jewish immigrant families on the edge of poverty and including those of some of today's most famous neoconservative thinkers, some neoconservatives also came to despise the counterculture of the 1960s and what they felt was a growing anti-Americanism among many baby boomers, exemplified in the emerging New Left by the movement against the Vietnam War.

As the radicalization of the New Left pushed these intellectuals farther to the right, they moved toward a more aggressive militarism, while also becoming disillusioned with the Johnson Administration's Great Society.

Academics in these circles, many of whom were still Democrats, rebelled against the Democratic Party's leftward drift on defense issues in the 1970s, especially after the nomination of George McGovern in 1972. Many of their concerns were voiced in the influential 1970 bestseller The Real Majority by future television commentator and neo-conservative Ben Wattenberg. Many clustered around Sen. Henry "Scoop" Jackson, a Democrat derisively known as the "Senator from Boeing," during his 1972 and 1976 campaigns for President; but later came to align themselves with Ronald Reagan and the Republicans, who promised to confront charges of Soviet "expansionism." Among those who worked for Jackson are Paul Wolfowitz, Doug Feith, Richard Perle and Felix Rohatyn.

Michael Lind, a self-described former neoconservative, wrote that neoconservatism "originated in the 1970s as a movement of anti-Soviet liberals and social democrats in the tradition of Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, Humphrey and Henry ("Scoop") Jackson, many of whom preferred to call themselves 'paleoliberals.' When the Cold War ended, "many 'paleoliberals' drifted back to the Democratic center… Today's neocons are a shrunken remnant of the original broad neocon coalition. Nevertheless, the origins of their ideology on the left are still apparent. The fact that most of the younger neocons were never on the left is irrelevant; they are the intellectual (and, in the case of William Kristol and John Podhoretz, the literal) heirs of older ex-leftists."[10]


Senator Henry M. Jackson, influential neoconservative forerunner.

In his semi-autobiographical book, Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea, Irving Kristol cites a number of influences on his own thought, including not only Max Shachtman and Leo Strauss but also the skeptical liberal literary critic Lionel Trilling. The influence of Leo Strauss and his disciples on some neoconservatives has generated some controversy.
Far Left-wing past of some neoconservatives
The neoconservative desire to spread democracy abroad has been likened to the Trotskyist theory of permanent revolution. Author Michael Lind argues that the neoconservatives are influenced by the thought of former Trotskyists such as James Burnham and Max Shachtman, who argued that "the United States and similar societies are dominated by a decadent, postbourgeois 'new class.'" He sees the neoconservative concept of "global democratic revolution" as deriving from the Trotskyist Fourth International's "vision of permanent revolution." He also points to what he sees as the Marxist origin of "the economic determinist idea that liberal democracy is an epiphenomenon of capitalism," which he describes as "Marxism with entrepreneurs substituted for proletarians as the heroic subjects of history." However, few leading neoconservatives cite James Burnham as a major influence.[11]

Critics of Lind contend that there is no theoretical connection between Trotsky's "permanent revolution," and that the idea of a "global democratic revolution" instead has Wilsonian roots.[12] While both Wilsonianism and the theory of permanent revolution have been proposed as strategies for underdeveloped parts of the world, Wilson proposed capitalist solutions, while Trotsky advocated socialist solutions.

Lind argues furthermore that "The organization as well as the ideology of the neoconservative movement has left-liberal origins." He draws a line from the center-left anti-Communist Congress for Cultural Freedom to the Committee on the Present Danger to the Project for the New American Century and adds that "European social-democratic models inspired the quintessential neocon institution, the National Endowment for Democracy."
1980s
During the 1970s political scientist Jeane Kirkpatrick increasingly criticized the Democratic Party, of which she had been a member since the nomination of the antiwar George McGovern. She accused the Jimmy Carter administration of using a double standard by tolerating human rights abuses in Communist states, while withdrawing support of anti-communist autocrats on the basis of human rights. She joined Ronald Reagan's successful 1980 campaign as his foreign policy advisor and later became the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, a position she held for four years.

During this period, the United States increased its support for anti-communist governments engaged in human rights abuses as part of its general hard line against communism. As the 1980s wore on, younger second-generation neoconservatives, such as Elliott Abrams, pushed for a clear policy of supporting democracy against both left and right wing dictators. This debate led to a policy shift in 1986, when the Reagan administration urged Philippines president Ferdinand Marcos to step down amid turmoil over a rigged election. Abrams also supported the 1988 Chilean plebiscite that resulted in the restoration of democratic rule and Pinochet's eventual removal from office. Through the National Endowment for Democracy, led by another neoconservative, Carl Gershman, funds were directed to the anti-Pinochet opposition in order to ensure a fair election.
1990s
During the 1990s, neoconservatives were once again in the opposition side of the foreign policy establishment, both under the Republican Administration of President George H. W. Bush and that of his Democratic successor, President Bill Clinton. Many critics charged that the neoconservatives lost their raison d'être and influence following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Others argue that they lost their status due to their association with the Iran-Contra scandal during the Reagan Administration.

Neoconservative writers were critical of the post-Cold War foreign policy of both George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton, which they criticized for reducing military expenditures and lacking a sense of idealism in the promotion of American interests. They accused these Administrations of lacking both "moral clarity" and the conviction to pursue unilaterally America's international strategic interests.

Particularly galvanizing to the movement was the decision of George H. W. Bush and then-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Colin Powell to leave Saddam Hussein in power after the first Gulf War in 1991. Some neoconservatives viewed this policy, and the decision not to support indigenous dissident groups such as the Kurds and Shiites in their 1991-1992 resistance to Hussein, as a betrayal of democratic principles.

Ironically, some of those same targets of criticism would later become fierce advocates of neoconservative policies. In 1992, referring to the first Gulf War, then United States Secretary of Defense and future Vice President Dick Cheney, said:


"I would guess if we had gone in there, I would still have forces in Baghdad today. We'd be running the country. We would not have been able to get everybody out and bring everybody home..."



"And the question in my mind is how many additional American casualties is Saddam (Hussein) worth? And the answer is not that damned many. So, I think we got it right, both when we decided to expel him from Kuwait, but also when the president made the decision that we'd achieved our objectives and we were not going to go get bogged down in the problems of trying to take over and govern Iraq."


Within a few years of the Gulf War in Iraq, many associated with neoconservatism were pushing for the ouster of Saddam Hussein. On February 19, 1998, an open letter to President Clinton was signed by dozens of pundits, many identified with both neoconservatism and, later, related groups such as the PNAC, urging decisive action to remove Saddam from power.[13]

Neoconservatives were also members of the blue team, which argued for a confrontational policy toward the People's Republic of China and strong military and diplomatic support for Taiwan.

Lo siento, no he dado con Neo-con en el diccionario de la RAE


Responder Citando
  #9  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 22:23
billy billy está desconectado
Querido forero
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 03-julio-2006
Mensajes: 1.086
Gracias: 0
11 Agradecimientos de 10 mensajes
Humo de cara a la galería.


Responder Citando
  #10  
Antiguo 09-abr-2008, 22:26
Filicuchino Filicuchino está desconectado
Idealisto
 
Fecha de Ingreso: 01-febrero-2007
Mensajes: 734
Gracias: 49
91 Agradecimientos de 46 mensajes
Hasta que no saquen una ley que diga que si no compras VPO eres un antipatriota y te expropien las cuentas del banco para "comprarte" ellos un piso, paso de estos hdp.
Hombre, le echo como 3 años para que saquen esta ley, porque dentro de poco con los precios locos que están poniendo, no va a comprar un piso nadie!


Responder Citando
Respuesta

Herramientas
Desplegado



La franja horaria es GMT +1. Ahora son las 18:31.